The Qaranka online
By John Bavoso for Diplomatic Courier
13 June 08

- The challenges and difficulties posed in the Somali case highlight many of the key principles of conflict resolution.

Friday, June 13, 2008 - Conflict resolution, as a coherent term, real-life process, and field of study, is at once strikingly simple and staggeringly complex. Its simplicity is in its definition and intent: put a stop to violent and political conflicts in a way in which all parties are satisfied and everyone’s needs are met.

The complexity stems from nearly every other aspect of its implementation. While general principles of conflict resolution do exist, the players, circumstances, and provisions of each conflict necessarily dictate the means which must be employed to bring it to a close. The intricacies associated with each conflict, however, also ensure that there is much to be learned from each one and hopefully applied to other disputes in the future.

Ironically, a real-world opportunity - to learn from and experiment with tools of conflict resolution - goes relatively unnoticed by the greater international community. The Somali Civil War is an example of a unique and sustained conflict which has lasted several decades and has also garnered little international attention compared to other conflicts around the globe.

From a humanitarian perspective, Somalia has been in a perpetual state of anarchy since the civil war began there in 1988 and has created an environment which facilitates the creation of issues such as piracy, a problem that extends the violence and disruption beyond Somalia’s borders.

In order to understand the conflict and the attempts made at resolving it, one must understand the history and major players that comprise the Somali Civil War. Beyond the occasional news headline or what has been portrayed in the media by films such as "Black Hawk Down," many citizens of Western societies know very little about the country officially known as the Somali Republic and of the complexities of the conflict, which has been going on there since 1988.

The internationally-recognized central government, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), exists in name but in reality lacks a national parliament and controls only a small region of the country.

In fact, Somalia is generally regarded in the academic and policy communities as an example of a "failed state" and a "stateless society," which means that the government is unable to collect taxes, pass laws, enforce regulations, or keep warlords under control even with outside intervention and aid.

Outside of the central government's weak control, the rest of the regions are fairly autonomous and independent. Arguably, the most functional region, Somaliland, which used to be a British protectorate rather than an Italian colony like the rest of Somalia, views itself as an independent republic but lacks the formal recognition it needs from the international community to officially secede.

The Somali Civil War initially grew out of the Somalian Revolution which began in 1986 as a violent response to the repressive regime of US-friendly Siad Barre. Following his being deposed in 1991, a counter-revolution began to restore him to power and the country has been embroiled in violence and factionalized ever since.

The UN led multiple military and humanitarian interventions in the country in the early to mid-1990s, officially know as the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNSOM) I and II and the Unified Task Force (UNITAF). This event highlights one facet of the international nature of the conflict which has made finding a resolution difficult - at the time of the UN’s actions many critics around the world decried the US' involvement in the mission as the US had much to gain from the oil contracts which would be restored along with Siad Barre's regime.

Beginning in 1998 and continuing on into 2006 various regions of Somalia began to claim autonomy as separate states, though only Somaliland has claimed outright independence. These states included the regions of Puntland, Jubaland, Southwestern Somalia and Galmudug, each of which has created their own militaries and power structures.

While there have been attempts at reconciliation and reunification, Somalia remains divided, which has made resolving the conflict difficult based solely on the sheer number of states, groups and militaries involved.

The most recent sustained period of violence has occurred between a few core groups: the Sharia-law oriented Islamic Courts Union (ICU) which took control of the capital, Mogadishu in 2006; the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism (ARPCT), which is a group of secular warlords formed in 2006; and the TNG, which is backed by the government and the military of Ethiopia, adding yet another international player into this conflict. Not only does the number and nature of parties currently involved in the situation make conflict resolution difficult, it also makes the mere act of following it as an interested outsider a challenge.

However, these challenges and difficulties posed in the Somali case highlight many of the key principles of conflict resolution.

For instance, with so many domestic and international groups involved, communication is of vital importance. Recently Somalian leaders have asked that the UN give them more information about the UN peacekeepers being deployed in the region and have stated that the civilian population must accept the force before it arrives.

Also, the power struggle between international organizations and local leaders is common to many conflicts, including Somalia's. Sometimes this struggle can be exacerbated when sovereign countries working unilaterally get involved.

While international assistance can obviously be helpful in ending conflicts and providing humanitarian aid, Ethiopia's involvement has caused tension between domestic groups inside Somalia.

In addition to main conflict itself, extraneous violence spawned by the chaos must be addressed.

All in all, any strategy aimed at bringing this conflict to a close must be holistic and far-reaching, addressing both the humanitarian and political causes and effects of years of anarchy, factionalism and bloodshed.

Now, as new fighting has broken out in Mogadishu, it becomes even more necessary for the international community to take a closer look at the conflict in Somalia and consider new and inventive techniques which might be used to bring this decades-long fighting to a peaceful close.

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