2012 Qaranka Annual Open Appeal letter to The UN Security Council

12 January 2012

Somali Peace Activist
Ali E. H. NAALEEYE

Your Excellency Ambassador Baso SANGQU and other Member States
President of the UN Security Council
The Permanent Ambassador of South Africa to UN Mission


Dear Mr. President Sangqu,

First, I would like to thank the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon for recently visiting Somalia to fully understand the situation on the ground and would like to take this opportunity to appeal to the Security Council and Somalia concerned Member States, to consider reviewing the dire impact of the current militarization of the country to the international community. In the past forty-two years, Somalia was either under a military dictatorship, or in civil war and foreign military occupation. Turning Somalia into a new Palestine in the Gulf of Aden would be counter-productive.

Regrettably, since the 1992 UN-backed U.S. military operation “Restore Hope”, the Council has been authorizing to Somalia from a one failed military operation to another. Likewise, Somalia is the only country in the world that the Organ has been backing from a one exile formed non-functioning transitional government to another, that begun in 1991 in Djibouti when the U.N. endorsed the nomination of Ali Mahdi, a Mogadishu hotel owner as Somalia provisional president, a critical time when most of the country was under the control of a heavily armed rebels that after nearly two decades of bloody guerrilla war, overthrew military dictator Siyad Barre.

Moreover, the Somalia state is the only government in the world that the U.N. pays its budget and elects its governments in exile by automatically renewing the term like an expired driver license. For example, the current Transitional Federal Government (TFG) formed in Kenya in 2004 won in exile four terms. In January 2008 UN-hosted Somali conference in Djibouti, the TFG after doubling the parliament members, elected themselves in exile a second term. However, after completing the second term, according to the president, the government would stay in office in order to complete the time left from the last president's term who resigned earlier. And last year in Kampala, Uganda, the TFG won a fourth term of one year. In its 22 November 2011 edition the U.S. “Washington Post”, a daily newspaper in Washington D.C., carried a Somalia article entitled ”U.S. intensifies its proxy fight against al-Shabab in Somalia”. Among other things it said:

“In many ways, the American role in the long-running conflict in Somalia is shaping up as the opposite of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan: relatively inexpensive, with limited or hidden U.S. footprints. The indirect approach carries risks. Chief among them is a lack of control over the proxy forces from Uganda, Burundi and Somalia, as well as other regional partners that Washington has courted and financed in recent years...Kenya, for example, sent thousands of troops into Somalia last month to fight Al-Shabab. This week, Ethiopia sent its own, smaller force across the border.”

Unleashing to Muslim Somalia the troops of the fallowing conflict of interest-ridden Somali neighbors such: Ethiopia, which in the 70s Somalia invaded to reclaim Somali inhabited region, Burundi, which in 2002, the U.N. Commission of Inquiry for Burundi called the 1993 Hutu massacring Tutsi, a genocide, and the three Swahili speaking East African Community (EAC) States comprising Kenya, which in the 60s Somalia also went war with to reclaim Somali inhabited region, Uganda, which along Rwanda, the Council resolution 1304 (2000) demanded the withdrawal of their troops from the Democratic Republic of Congo after human rights organizations blamed the deaths of 1.7 million Congolese, and Tanzania, located 530 kilometer south, seemed concerned that an Islamic Somali state will instigate an independent Islamic Zanzibar state, will add oil to the fires burning in the Middle East.

Mohamed Hassan, a Somali politician, in an interview he gave on February 11, 2010 to Global Research, explaining why the U.S. applied in Somalia a chaos theory said, “If United States say to their citizens and soldiers: “We are going to send our troops into the Indian Ocean in order to probably fight against China”, people would be afraid of course. But if you tell them that it is just about fighting piracy and Al Qaeda, it won’t be a problem. “

It seems that the Council has a double-standard and discrimination policies. In the Arab Spring uprising, the U.N. says the Arab leaders must stop killing their own people, but it authorizes and finances the troops of East African states to enter Somalia and carry urban war. When in 1999, the South African Development Community (SADC) forces intervened in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the UN never mandated or called the invasion the African Union (AU) peacekeeping mission. Likewise, when in 2003 the West African Nigerian-led ECOWAS troops intervened in Liberia, the U.N. never called them the AU mission. But when the East African inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) forces intervened in Somalia, the Peace Body supported and called them the A.U. mission in Somalia (Amisom), though the fact is, there is no peace to keep in Somalia. That is why the Somali people call the Council: one of the world's 8 Wonders.

The Djibouti Accord that brought Amisom to Somalia, which the international community bases its Somalia policy has not been a Somali pact. It was negotiated during the January 2008 Djibouti UN-hosted Somalia conference by foreign political actors such Ethiopia, Ahmedou Ould then Secretary-General Special Representative for Somalia, the Arab League, Somalia sphere of influence states, IGAD and the Somalia TFG that it formed and protects.

In 1989 the U.S. invaded the Republic of Panama and overthrew president Noriega, after accusing him of introducing corruption to the Panama Canal, the only passage that joins the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific Ocean. Likewise, the 3.300 km. long Somalia coast, which on one side, faces the Arabian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz, two key points, and on the other side, borders Bab el-Mandab Strait, and stretches Africa's entire Gulf of Aden, which is the only passage that connects the Indian Ocean to the Atlantic Ocean via the Mediterranean and Red Seas, where over two third of the world's oil is shipped, 40 percent of international maritime traffic pass, and half of the population of the world in Asia trades through with the world.

Surprisingly, when July 2011 during peak harvest season, the UN declared famine in southern Somalia that millions of people were on the brink of starvation, immediately the U.S., the U.K., and France announced offering to southern Somalia one of their largest foreign famine financial aid in their history. And because Al Shabab hindered aid delivery to southern Somalia, the aid was delivered to Dadaab refugee camps in Kenya near the Somali border. At the same time, Kenya began broadcasting reports that thousands of Somalis fleeing the southern Somalia famine were arriving daily at Dadaab refugee camps and that aid agencies were welcoming them. However, when on 18 October the U.N. downgraded the famine, the same day, Kenya invaded and occupied southern Somalia. This shows that the war-caused famine was behind a plan to preempt the population from the region, so that Kenya can invade and occupy southern Somalia without facing insurgency.

For the sake of both Somalia and the international community, the Council should consider withdrawing the Ugandan, Burundian, Kenyan and Ethiopian troops from Somalia, to bring justice and peace, not war, to the People of East Africa already suffering humanitarian catastrophe.

Yours sincerely,

Ali E. H. NAALEEYE

cc:
The Somalia interested UN General Assembly Member States
The U.N. Secretary General
President of the African Union
The Secretary General of the Arab League
The EU



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