2013 Qaranka Annual Open Appeal letter to The UN Security Council
12 August 2013
Somali Peace Activist Ali E. H. NAALEEYE
Your Excellency Madam Maria Cristina PERCEVAL
President of the UN Security Council The Permanent Ambassador of the Republic of Argentinia to UN Mission
Dear Madam PERCEVAL,
First, I wish to convey my cordial gratitude to United Nations head Member States, the Security Council, and the Secretary-General for kindly assisting Somalia become a stable and peaceful country, and would like taking this opportunity to appeal to you for humanitarian and moral reasons, that you kindly consider advising the U.N., the U.S., and the EU, to cut funding the Somalia conflict of interest neighbouring peacekeepers. Somalia has been under military authority since 1969, when military dictator Siyad Barre seized power.
Today, what is exasperating the Somalia human tragedy is that the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) is not, in fact, African Union (AU) peacekeepers. Except from the several hundred military personals from civil-war recovering Sierra Leone brought to Somalia as a cover up, what is called the African Union peacekeepers in Somalia are the militaries of the conflict of interest-ridden immediate neighbouring East African Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) members: Ethiopia, Djibouti, and the recently revived East African Community (EAC) bloc: Uganda, Burundi, and Kenya, waging in Somalia the United States’ proxy war disguised as the war on terror.
Last October, the U.N. refugee agency UNHCR said that the 2010-2011 southern Somalia famine that killed 288,000 people, where more than half of them were children, “Was due to the unprecedented famine that affected millions of Somalis, as well as military interventions by the African Union (AMISOM) in support of government forces fighting insurgents.” Some foreign diplomats visiting Somalia live and work in the heavily fortified Mogadishu airport because of insecurity in the country.
I remember delivering my 2005 Annual U.N. Somalia humanitarian appeal letter to then president of the U.N. Security Council Mr. Adamantios Vassilakis at his U.N. Greece Mission in New York, despite a summer heat-wave and the elevator of the tall Mission building was out of service for that hour, he still read the letter and then asked me what I would like the Council to do for Somalia. I told him that authorizing the conflict of interest Somalia neighbours to intervene militarily the country will not help to resolve the crisis in Somalia and would only spread the crisis into other parts of Africa and the Middle East.
The U.S., after withdrawing the 37,000 troops in Somalia by March 1994 in the tragedy known as the Black Hawk Down, decided to return Somalia militarily without assigning troops on the ground, as on 8 March 2007 the United States’ Washington Post, reported, “The State Department has hired a major military contractor to help equip and provide logistical support to international peacekeepers in Somalia, giving the United States a significant role in the critical mission without assigning combat forces.”
What the Washington Post referred as U.S. military contractors equipping Somalia international peacekeepers is, in fact, the U.S. Government training the militaries of neighboring EAC bloc, Djibouti, and Ethiopia to be deployed in Somalia as AU AMISOM peacekeepers. Ethiopia’s military became ready and was deployed in Somalia by Christmas Eve 2006, Uganda’s military became ready in intervening Somalia in 2008, and Kenya’s military invaded Somalia by October 2011, all disguised as AU AMISOM peacekeepers in Somalia. When ECOWAS, the West African military intervened in Liberia and Sierra Leone, nobody has called the regional military intervention as African Union peacekeepers.
The former Kenyan president Arap Moi, who after hosting the 2003-4 Somalia peace conference in Nairobi, where most of the current Somali government parliamentarians were elected, made a speech at the American Military Academy in Washington D.C., where he criticized the U.N. to auspice conflict of interest IGAD neighbours organize peace conference for Somalia, “One of the drawbacks in the Somalia peace process was the regional suspicion that a united Somalia might pursue its “expansionist dreams”. At independence Somalia was claiming parts of Kenya, Ethiopia and Djibouti and consequently initiated armed conflicts to try and realize this idea.”
On 30 June 2013, Somalia’s deputy Prime Minister wrote a protest letter to AU that stopped short of accusing genocide to Kenya’s military, who only after invading and occupying southern Somalia illegally by October 2011, were allowed unfairly by the U.N. to become part of AMISOM peacekeepers, perhaps in order to give them time to annex southern Somalia, committing human atrocities.
Dan Simpson, former U.S. Ambassador in Horn of Africa, who wrote an article that was posted in the Somali websites stated, “With the exception of countries the United States has wrecked through wars: Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan, the area where we have done the most damage in recent years probably is the Horn of Africa.” According to U.N., 3,000 Ugandan and Burundian AMISOM peacekeepers were killed in Somalia, the highest U.N. mandated Mission deaths.
If the U.S. asks the Security Council to mandate the mostly land-locked Ethiopia, Uganda, Burundi, and Kenya invade neighboring strategic semi-Somalia Peninsula, connecting Europe and Africa to Asia, which has 40 percent of the world trade and 60 percent of the world’s population, through the shipping lanes of the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, not to mention the Suez Canal and the oil routes of Arabia, a Syrian-style Security Council deadlock in mandating AMISOM could emerge. But if the U.S. requests the U.N. to mandate AU peacekeepers in Somalia to fight radical Islamists, pirates, and Al-Qaeda, it would not seem a problem.
That is the reason the U.S. is withdrawing from Afghanistan and negotiating with Taliban, who sponsored and gave training camps to al Qaeda that carried out 9/11, while at the same time, it’s escalating the terror war in Somalia because of danger posed by al Qaeda linked Islamists, although the Somalis, like the people from other countries, only heard from the world media that Taliban sponsored al Qaeda carried out 9/11 from Afghanistan.
Also, that is why after the military interventions in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Mali, immediately national elections were held; however, in Somalia in over 22 years of military interventions, not a ONE WORD was said about holding A national election.
Ironically, except the president of the port-city state of Djibouti, all IGAD head of states including those of Sudan and Eritrea leaders, are either charged a crime against humanity by the International Criminal Court (ICC), are charged a complicity in genocide by the U.N., or have carried wars that caused human atrocities: at present, the ICC charged president of Kenya Uhuru Kenyatta of crimes against humanity that he committed during the 2007 post-election civil war, where 1700 civilians were killed, but in Somalia, the U.N., the U.S., and the EU fund President Kenyatta to bring peace and justice to the Somalis.
Last October, the U.N. Security Council Group which monitors compliance with the U.N. sanctions and arms embargo in place for Democratic Republic of Congo , in a confidential leaked report, accused the Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, along with the president of Rwanda, a complicit of genocide by arming the Congolese M23 rebel, which the U.N. accused committing genocide. In double standard, in Somalia the U.N. praises Musseveni as a noble leader who stands for peace and justice. In Burundi, out of the four Hutu vs. Tutsi or Tutsi vs. Hutu ethnic-cleansing wars: 1965, 1972, 1988, and 1993, the U.N. International Commission of Inquiry for Burundi, in 2002, called only the 1993 Hutu mass killing of Tutsi genocide, but in Somalia, the same Hutu and Tutsi are mandated to bring peace and justice.
Ethiopia’s annexation of Eritrea in 1961 led to the 30-year Eritrea-Ethiopian war. According to a letter written by Jimmy Carter, the 1989 Ethiopia-Eritrea war cost 100,000 lives. The 1977-78 Ethiopia-Somalia war over disputed border region was a two-year high intensity conventional war. This depicts that Ethiopia is in state of perpetual war or preparation for war with one of its neighbours. The UN Mission Ethiopia-Eritrea (UNMEE) peacekeepers is stationed in the Ethiopia-Eritrea border to prevent war breaking again between the two countries, but in Somalia, the U.N. authorizes the same Ethiopian military, as a friendly neighbor, intervene to bring peace and justice to the Somalis.
A Somali girl who wrote an article posted in the country’s websites called the U.N., the U.S., and the EU’s Somalia military solution policy as the Worlds Eight Wonders. The U.N. Charter Principals states: all Members shall settle disputes by peaceful means in such manner justice not be endangered.
Please accept, Your Excelleny, the assurance of my highest consideration,
Ali E. H. NAALEEYE
cc: The Somalia interested UN General Assembly Member States
The UN Secretary General
President of the African Union
The Secretary General of the Arab League